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The Radical President

This morning Rush read the last paragraph of Daniel Henninger's WSJ column, entitled "The Radical Presidency". Herewith that paragraph:
Gov. Bobby Jindal's post-speech reply did not come close to recognizing the gauntlet Mr. Obama has thrown down to the opposition. Unless the GOP can discover a radical message of its own to distinguish it from the president's, it should prepare to live under Mr. Obama's radicalism for at least a generation.

Mr. Henninger is exactly right. He is also right that this is a "radical presidency", and a radical president. As I've said, Barack Mugabe intends to take down the country by inducing a depression, so that he can remake it in his image. Republicans have to start explaining this now - and offer bold alternatives - in order to realize the big gains in 2010 that are both (a) achievable; and (b) necessary to derail the stealth coup d'etatthat the President is attempting.

What form do I think "Republican Radicalism" should take? I don't have enough time or space, so I'll distill the matter to two simple elements. First, explain how Mugabe is doing everything wrong, assuming he wants to bring about recovery. Raising tax rates in a recession is exactly the wrong thing to do - it is exactly what Hoover tried; moreover, it will not raise revenues as expected. Lowering the mortgage interest deduction is exactly the wrong thing to do, if you want to shore up asset values. Raising taxes on interest, dividends, and capital gains is exactly the wrong thing to do, if you want to support asset values and facilitate lending. This is how we begin to pin the depression on Mugabe. Another job will be to talk, talk, talk about how affirmative action lending got us to this place; blame it on Mugabe (through his association with ACORN); and point out that all of this spending is going to make things worse, not stimulate.

Element #2 of Republican Radicalism is its affirmative side. It can be summed up in two words: flat tax. Now is the time. Stop playing games with the tax code every time an election shifts the balance of power; stop "spreading the wealth" to accountants and tax and estate lawyers; and do institute a simple, understandable system under which higher income taxpayers will pay much more than lower earners, but not face 50%-plus taxes on each additional dollar earned. The efficiencies and incentive benefits would be so stupendously great that we just might be able to cut the deficit in half in four years.

Per Mr. Henninger, Republicans need to go radical. I say this means go libertarian. Put this simple choice to the voters: do we want to sustain our heritage of limited government - the ethos that made this country more than any other; or do we want to be a nation of unlimited and unrestrained government? Pushing the flat tax would throw down a gauntlet of our own, and go a long way toward exposing which is the party that can't live without getting all in your business.
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There Were Giants In Those Days (Part 2)

A little more than a hundred years after Mr. Chief Justice Marshall's immortal quip regarding the power to tax, the great economist John Maynard Keynes expounded his epochal General Theory, and his timing was providential, from a certain point of view. It was the middle of the Great Depression, and the New Deal was in full flower. The New Dealers, recall, were a tribe of Utopian dreamers and schemers, with visions of agricultural collectives and nationalized utilities dancing in their heads. Among other things, they actually believed that the G.D. was caused by low wages (you read that correctly) and cash hoarding. Many had made the pilgrimage to Josef Stalin's paradise to gain their inspiration. All believed unreservedly in the capacity of enlightened, educated people (such as, well, themselves!), given enough authority and money, to fix the world. Certainly, modesty was not their hallmark.

You can imagine their delight when Lord Keynes revealed the Gospel of Aggregate Demand. The government, you see, can pull the economy out of a slump by taking it upon itself to boost aggregate demand! How to do this? A magic wand? A magic bullet? No. It's much simpler than that. All you need to do is organize useful projects and hire the unemployed to staff them. Where does the money come from? You borrow it. You see, sometimes the economy needs its "pump primed". You can pay off the debt later, once recovery kicks in, and the tax receipts come gushing. And did you know about the "multiplier"?

As you may now grasp, Lord Keynes' groundbreaking and brilliant (I mean that) work on aggregate demand provided the intellectual cover for busy-bodies and do-gooders throughout the land to congratulate themselves as they spent other peoples' money (or maybe even money that doesn't exist yet) on their pet schemes. Might there be shortcomings in this approach (see Today's History Lesson, infra, November 23, 2008), in the form of the long-run effects of taking on debt to pay for projects of unknown utility that private investors might have shunned? Sure, but the ever-insightful Keynes had an answer for that: "in the long run, we are all dead".

By the 1970s, the long-run had arrived, and, as he predicted, Lord Keynes had passed on. Efforts to manage the business cycle through manipulation of aggregate demand, however, were alive and well, though President Nixon's famous remark on the subject ("We are all Keynesians now") may have been an Ultimate Contrary Indicator. Nonetheless, Keynes' Cover had predictably led to social engineering through the tax code and other onerous regulations. Further, years of attempts to manage aggregate demand, and the widespread belief in the Phillips Curve (which held that there is an inherent and unbreakable link between inflation and unemployment such that more of one necessarily means less of the other) caused policymakers to accept more and more inflation in the hope of controlling unemployment. Once inflation inevitably got out of hand, interest rates skyrocketed, bringing high unemployment. This was the era of stagflation. The Phillips Curve was a dead letter, and many economists threw up their hands.

But the Two Giants, Reagan and Volker, had an plan. They would kill inflation through tight money (also suporting the dollar), and that, along with tax cuts and regulatory reform, would drive down unemployment. By the conventional wisdom of the Phillips Curve, this was an absurdity and bound to fail. But Keynes' aggregate demand model had some big holes in it, which the Two Giants recognized. First, Keynesian stimulus is effective only to the degree to which it is unexpected: to the degree markets see it coming, they learn to discount it in the form of higher interest rates. Second, the Keynesian model took no cognizance of the notion that perhaps government spending might be tinged with cronyism and other assorted inefficiencies that would undermine stimulus. Third, and most importantly to President Reagan, the Keynesian model took no cognizance of the role of incentives in economic life. Very simply, if you let people keep more of their money, and hassle them less, their appetite for risk will increase, as will overall economic activity. That this truism is even debated astounds me.

All of this seems common-sensical, and the results spoke for themselves. Yet these principles have been fought savagely, including by our current president, against all reason. Why? Simple. Ronald Reagan spoiled their fun. More money for tax payers and risk takers means less for "community organizers" to work their wonders. To the extent you put your faith in "economic activists", and the dreams of energetic people, you implicitly devalue the "contributions" of community organizers, government planners, social workers, political staffers, and the like. You've just told a lot of do-gooders that you don't think they do much good. Ouch!

To stand up against this type of entrenched interest, and to do so knowing that your approach would bring a brutal recession before causing the country to emerge much stronger than ever, is the definition of political courage. Current "leadership" could learn a lot, but won't. For reasons I'll delve into in the near future, our current president is constitutionally incapable of placing his faith in the dynamism of the American people. He will bitterly cling to the flat-earth creed of government knows best. He will be a failure.
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The Obama Depression

Our favorite columnist, Holman Jenkins, lays it all out for us today. He wrote the column I would have wanted to write. I've been contending that President Mugabe-Wannabe doesn't give a damn about the economy. His concern is getting even with The Man, and he's going to try it because he thinks he can blame Bush for everything he purposely does to screw things up. If you think I'm crazy, just watch him.

Let's hope Holman Jenkins is correct in his prediction as to where this cowardly strategy will take the Obamalama:
He kids himself if he thinks he will be allowed, like FDR, to preside over a Depression without being blamed for it. The public is different now - the world is different - and he will own the "Obama Depression" sooner than he thinks.

We can only hope. But I'm telling you now he's sowing the seeds, with his Depression policy, of what will be (finally) "the worst economy since the Great Depression".

The quote above is actually from the end of Mr. Jenkins' column. He began by quoting the Obamessiah himself, from the inaugural: "Put away childish things..." Mr. Jenkins has a list of things for the President to put away, as follows:
1. "Put away the global warming panic";
2. "Put away the 'energy independence' conceit";
3. "Put away Ponzi welfarism"; and
4. "Put away class warfare tax politics".

I'm not holding my breath. We have no reason to believe the crack dealer in-chief is anything other than a Chicago race-hustling thug - apart from his Sidney Poitier sweet talk. For all the talk of change, hope, post-this, and post-that, the "stimulus" told us all we need to know: as Mr. Jenkins described it, once in office, his interest is in fulfilling the wish lists of those who put [him] there."

If nothing else, says Mr. Jenkins, this is going to be a fascinating presidency.
But his presidency will get really interesting in a year or two, or six months - whenever he finally realizes that everything he thought he wanted to do is irrelevant. He'll then have to adapt an agenda for the world as it is, in which many childish things no longer have a place.

After 9/11, many of us hoped that our political "leadership" would wake up to a new world in which clownishness and ancient shibboleths would no longer be tolerated. Sadly, the clowns, communists, and incompetents fought tooth-and-nail to preserve their positions, using every dirtbag trick in the dirtbag politician's book. Look at where we are now, as a consequence. And the ultimate dirtbag, President Shakedown, is betting his presidency on his ability to sell more of the disease as a cure, with his ability to blame the resulting depression on his predecessor as the backstop. Mark my words: he intends to sink the country.
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Quote of the Day

“No American is ever made better off by pulling another American down, and every American is made better off whenever any one of us is made better off. A rising tide raises all boats.” John F. Kennedy
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There Were Giants In Those Days (Part 1)

Wednesday's WSJ featured a piece by Peter Ferrara, a Reagan Administration official, in which he did a nice compare and contrast job, then versus now. Perhaps the best thing about this piece was the photo it accompanied: "Ronald Reagan and Paul Volker, July, 1981", taken in the Oval Office. I thought I felt a tear starting to well up.

Indeed, there were giants in those days. These two men inherited a mess that makes today's pale. "What we suffer with today is not the worst economy since the Great Depression, but the worst since Jimmy Carter - the last time liberals were dominant politically and intellectually", accurately notes Mr. Ferrara. A couple of statistical examples: inflation ran at 13.2% in 1980, and unemployment eclipsed 10% in 1982. In the fall of 1980, the 30-year mortgate rate reached nearly 18.5%!

It seemed there might be no way out of that mess. With inflation running high, and, more importantly, expectations of future inflation running even higher, the cost of borrowing money was in the stratosphere. Who's going to lend money at rates lower than inflation? The upshot of this was that there was no way enough borrowing would occur to generate sufficient growth to drive down unemployment. Any effort to stimulate the economy through deficit spending, or through monetary stimulus, would be met immediately by rising interest rates, as money markets therefore expected yet higher inflation. Thus was born the term "stagflation", to describe the theretofore inconceivable phenomenon (under Keynesian theory) in which high unemployment and high inflation co-existed. The "Keynesians" were flummoxed.

Ronald Reagan had an approach no one else gave much thought to - incentivize "economic activists" to work, invest, and produce. This was revolutionary! In fact, it was the essence of the "Reagan Revolution". Taking the focus off of federal schemes managed by self-satisfied wiz kids getting a government check, and return it to those who actually create the real wealth. For reasons I'll describe more fully below, this approach - amazingly, in hindsight - was ridiculed almost universally by elites in Washington and the national media.

The Reagan approach, as described by Mr. Ferrara, was in four parts. First, lower tax rates across-the-board, to encourage work and investment by thereby increasing after-tax returns. Second, deregulate industry to remove unnecessary costs, again increasing returns on investment. Third, control/limit federal spending, and fourth, with the help of Mr. Volker, institute a tight, anti-inflationary monetary policy. These last two elements served to create confidence that inflation might be controlled, and thus future profits earned in non-inflated dollars.

The results were spectacularly successful. Inflation was cut to 6.2% in 1982, then to 3.2% in 1983. The infamous "misery index" (a term coined by President Reagan to describe the combined inflation and unemployment rates), dropped from 22 percent in 1980, to 7.7% by the end of 1986 (it's probably running in the 11-12% range currently).

Why was this seemingly common-sense approach to recovery so revolutionary, and so reviled? Chief Justice John Marshall famously remarked that "the power to tax is the power to destroy". With apologies, I'd like to alter that famous formulation just a little. "The power to tax is the power to control", as I see it, and there's nothing political elites and aspirants like more than the thrill of control.

(Part 2 will address the rise of Keynes, and how his theory of aggregate demand ostensibly gave license to the political class to manipulate the economy through Soviet-style central planning. What could be more fun than to spend other people's money, in the cause of (social) justice?)
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The Emperor Has No Clothes

That was Cramer's opening line today, regarding the Obama administration, and the so-called "stimulus". He says sell any rally tomorrow. Again, I find his negative outlook vis-a-vis the administration's economic policy notable, given his self-identified status as Democrat, and previous and palpable efforts to cheerlead. This guy is about money, period, and if something isn't going to make him money, he's not going to pretend for long. Hence his swift abandonment of the Obamessiah, based on the utter uselessness of the "stimulus". The market is under no illusions about the "cluelessness" (Cramer's word) of Washington's current ruling elite.

Perhaps this is a time to repeat my theory about the election of 2006, as it relates to the markets, and the economy. As the election of 1994 signalled a multi-year resurgence in the markets and economy, the election of 2006 signalled the reverse. Why? With respect to 2006, it was the signal that killed any hope that sanity would prevail in Washington. That is, notwithstanding the foibles and weaknesses of Congress while under Republican control, market participants could be reasonably certain that nothing crazy was likely. With the Dem's takeover, all hope was lost.

This is particularly important with respect to the soon-to-lapse "Bush tax cuts". My theory was that the housing boom, to the extent it was precipitated by Fed policy, constituted a deferral of the tech-bust, 9/11 secular downturn. In that light, there had to be a potential for some other factor to spark the economy once the housing boom ran its course. It might have been, apart from the extension of the 2003 tax cuts, further tax cuts (particularly the corporate tax rate), more substantial tax reform (flat tax?), or non-tax policy improvements, such as an enlightened energy policy. Once the 2006 returns were in, any clear-headed observer knew none of the above was possible. So the economy was left to fall flat.

As I've remarked before, we are going to have a recovery, of sorts, in spite (NOT because) of the "stimulus" legislation. This is the natural order of things - GDP posted blowout quarters even during the Carter administration. But the best-case prognosis for the economy is growth in fits and starts - no long boom. That's what's got Cramer so bearish. Remember, he wanted to believe, but faced with the facts of current economic policy, he just can't put his money on growth. That's what I like about people who actually have (major) skin in the game.
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