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The Radical President

This morning Rush read the last paragraph of Daniel Henninger's WSJ column, entitled "The Radical Presidency". Herewith that paragraph:
Gov. Bobby Jindal's post-speech reply did not come close to recognizing the gauntlet Mr. Obama has thrown down to the opposition. Unless the GOP can discover a radical message of its own to distinguish it from the president's, it should prepare to live under Mr. Obama's radicalism for at least a generation.

Mr. Henninger is exactly right. He is also right that this is a "radical presidency", and a radical president. As I've said, Barack Mugabe intends to take down the country by inducing a depression, so that he can remake it in his image. Republicans have to start explaining this now - and offer bold alternatives - in order to realize the big gains in 2010 that are both (a) achievable; and (b) necessary to derail the stealth coup d'etatthat the President is attempting.

What form do I think "Republican Radicalism" should take? I don't have enough time or space, so I'll distill the matter to two simple elements. First, explain how Mugabe is doing everything wrong, assuming he wants to bring about recovery. Raising tax rates in a recession is exactly the wrong thing to do - it is exactly what Hoover tried; moreover, it will not raise revenues as expected. Lowering the mortgage interest deduction is exactly the wrong thing to do, if you want to shore up asset values. Raising taxes on interest, dividends, and capital gains is exactly the wrong thing to do, if you want to support asset values and facilitate lending. This is how we begin to pin the depression on Mugabe. Another job will be to talk, talk, talk about how affirmative action lending got us to this place; blame it on Mugabe (through his association with ACORN); and point out that all of this spending is going to make things worse, not stimulate.

Element #2 of Republican Radicalism is its affirmative side. It can be summed up in two words: flat tax. Now is the time. Stop playing games with the tax code every time an election shifts the balance of power; stop "spreading the wealth" to accountants and tax and estate lawyers; and do institute a simple, understandable system under which higher income taxpayers will pay much more than lower earners, but not face 50%-plus taxes on each additional dollar earned. The efficiencies and incentive benefits would be so stupendously great that we just might be able to cut the deficit in half in four years.

Per Mr. Henninger, Republicans need to go radical. I say this means go libertarian. Put this simple choice to the voters: do we want to sustain our heritage of limited government - the ethos that made this country more than any other; or do we want to be a nation of unlimited and unrestrained government? Pushing the flat tax would throw down a gauntlet of our own, and go a long way toward exposing which is the party that can't live without getting all in your business.
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There Were Giants In Those Days (Part 2)

A little more than a hundred years after Mr. Chief Justice Marshall's immortal quip regarding the power to tax, the great economist John Maynard Keynes expounded his epochal General Theory, and his timing was providential, from a certain point of view. It was the middle of the Great Depression, and the New Deal was in full flower. The New Dealers, recall, were a tribe of Utopian dreamers and schemers, with visions of agricultural collectives and nationalized utilities dancing in their heads. Among other things, they actually believed that the G.D. was caused by low wages (you read that correctly) and cash hoarding. Many had made the pilgrimage to Josef Stalin's paradise to gain their inspiration. All believed unreservedly in the capacity of enlightened, educated people (such as, well, themselves!), given enough authority and money, to fix the world. Certainly, modesty was not their hallmark.

You can imagine their delight when Lord Keynes revealed the Gospel of Aggregate Demand. The government, you see, can pull the economy out of a slump by taking it upon itself to boost aggregate demand! How to do this? A magic wand? A magic bullet? No. It's much simpler than that. All you need to do is organize useful projects and hire the unemployed to staff them. Where does the money come from? You borrow it. You see, sometimes the economy needs its "pump primed". You can pay off the debt later, once recovery kicks in, and the tax receipts come gushing. And did you know about the "multiplier"?

As you may now grasp, Lord Keynes' groundbreaking and brilliant (I mean that) work on aggregate demand provided the intellectual cover for busy-bodies and do-gooders throughout the land to congratulate themselves as they spent other peoples' money (or maybe even money that doesn't exist yet) on their pet schemes. Might there be shortcomings in this approach (see Today's History Lesson, infra, November 23, 2008), in the form of the long-run effects of taking on debt to pay for projects of unknown utility that private investors might have shunned? Sure, but the ever-insightful Keynes had an answer for that: "in the long run, we are all dead".

By the 1970s, the long-run had arrived, and, as he predicted, Lord Keynes had passed on. Efforts to manage the business cycle through manipulation of aggregate demand, however, were alive and well, though President Nixon's famous remark on the subject ("We are all Keynesians now") may have been an Ultimate Contrary Indicator. Nonetheless, Keynes' Cover had predictably led to social engineering through the tax code and other onerous regulations. Further, years of attempts to manage aggregate demand, and the widespread belief in the Phillips Curve (which held that there is an inherent and unbreakable link between inflation and unemployment such that more of one necessarily means less of the other) caused policymakers to accept more and more inflation in the hope of controlling unemployment. Once inflation inevitably got out of hand, interest rates skyrocketed, bringing high unemployment. This was the era of stagflation. The Phillips Curve was a dead letter, and many economists threw up their hands.

But the Two Giants, Reagan and Volker, had an plan. They would kill inflation through tight money (also suporting the dollar), and that, along with tax cuts and regulatory reform, would drive down unemployment. By the conventional wisdom of the Phillips Curve, this was an absurdity and bound to fail. But Keynes' aggregate demand model had some big holes in it, which the Two Giants recognized. First, Keynesian stimulus is effective only to the degree to which it is unexpected: to the degree markets see it coming, they learn to discount it in the form of higher interest rates. Second, the Keynesian model took no cognizance of the notion that perhaps government spending might be tinged with cronyism and other assorted inefficiencies that would undermine stimulus. Third, and most importantly to President Reagan, the Keynesian model took no cognizance of the role of incentives in economic life. Very simply, if you let people keep more of their money, and hassle them less, their appetite for risk will increase, as will overall economic activity. That this truism is even debated astounds me.

All of this seems common-sensical, and the results spoke for themselves. Yet these principles have been fought savagely, including by our current president, against all reason. Why? Simple. Ronald Reagan spoiled their fun. More money for tax payers and risk takers means less for "community organizers" to work their wonders. To the extent you put your faith in "economic activists", and the dreams of energetic people, you implicitly devalue the "contributions" of community organizers, government planners, social workers, political staffers, and the like. You've just told a lot of do-gooders that you don't think they do much good. Ouch!

To stand up against this type of entrenched interest, and to do so knowing that your approach would bring a brutal recession before causing the country to emerge much stronger than ever, is the definition of political courage. Current "leadership" could learn a lot, but won't. For reasons I'll delve into in the near future, our current president is constitutionally incapable of placing his faith in the dynamism of the American people. He will bitterly cling to the flat-earth creed of government knows best. He will be a failure.
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The Obama Depression

Our favorite columnist, Holman Jenkins, lays it all out for us today. He wrote the column I would have wanted to write. I've been contending that President Mugabe-Wannabe doesn't give a damn about the economy. His concern is getting even with The Man, and he's going to try it because he thinks he can blame Bush for everything he purposely does to screw things up. If you think I'm crazy, just watch him.

Let's hope Holman Jenkins is correct in his prediction as to where this cowardly strategy will take the Obamalama:
He kids himself if he thinks he will be allowed, like FDR, to preside over a Depression without being blamed for it. The public is different now - the world is different - and he will own the "Obama Depression" sooner than he thinks.

We can only hope. But I'm telling you now he's sowing the seeds, with his Depression policy, of what will be (finally) "the worst economy since the Great Depression".

The quote above is actually from the end of Mr. Jenkins' column. He began by quoting the Obamessiah himself, from the inaugural: "Put away childish things..." Mr. Jenkins has a list of things for the President to put away, as follows:
1. "Put away the global warming panic";
2. "Put away the 'energy independence' conceit";
3. "Put away Ponzi welfarism"; and
4. "Put away class warfare tax politics".

I'm not holding my breath. We have no reason to believe the crack dealer in-chief is anything other than a Chicago race-hustling thug - apart from his Sidney Poitier sweet talk. For all the talk of change, hope, post-this, and post-that, the "stimulus" told us all we need to know: as Mr. Jenkins described it, once in office, his interest is in fulfilling the wish lists of those who put [him] there."

If nothing else, says Mr. Jenkins, this is going to be a fascinating presidency.
But his presidency will get really interesting in a year or two, or six months - whenever he finally realizes that everything he thought he wanted to do is irrelevant. He'll then have to adapt an agenda for the world as it is, in which many childish things no longer have a place.

After 9/11, many of us hoped that our political "leadership" would wake up to a new world in which clownishness and ancient shibboleths would no longer be tolerated. Sadly, the clowns, communists, and incompetents fought tooth-and-nail to preserve their positions, using every dirtbag trick in the dirtbag politician's book. Look at where we are now, as a consequence. And the ultimate dirtbag, President Shakedown, is betting his presidency on his ability to sell more of the disease as a cure, with his ability to blame the resulting depression on his predecessor as the backstop. Mark my words: he intends to sink the country.
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Quote of the Day

“No American is ever made better off by pulling another American down, and every American is made better off whenever any one of us is made better off. A rising tide raises all boats.” John F. Kennedy
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There Were Giants In Those Days (Part 1)

Wednesday's WSJ featured a piece by Peter Ferrara, a Reagan Administration official, in which he did a nice compare and contrast job, then versus now. Perhaps the best thing about this piece was the photo it accompanied: "Ronald Reagan and Paul Volker, July, 1981", taken in the Oval Office. I thought I felt a tear starting to well up.

Indeed, there were giants in those days. These two men inherited a mess that makes today's pale. "What we suffer with today is not the worst economy since the Great Depression, but the worst since Jimmy Carter - the last time liberals were dominant politically and intellectually", accurately notes Mr. Ferrara. A couple of statistical examples: inflation ran at 13.2% in 1980, and unemployment eclipsed 10% in 1982. In the fall of 1980, the 30-year mortgate rate reached nearly 18.5%!

It seemed there might be no way out of that mess. With inflation running high, and, more importantly, expectations of future inflation running even higher, the cost of borrowing money was in the stratosphere. Who's going to lend money at rates lower than inflation? The upshot of this was that there was no way enough borrowing would occur to generate sufficient growth to drive down unemployment. Any effort to stimulate the economy through deficit spending, or through monetary stimulus, would be met immediately by rising interest rates, as money markets therefore expected yet higher inflation. Thus was born the term "stagflation", to describe the theretofore inconceivable phenomenon (under Keynesian theory) in which high unemployment and high inflation co-existed. The "Keynesians" were flummoxed.

Ronald Reagan had an approach no one else gave much thought to - incentivize "economic activists" to work, invest, and produce. This was revolutionary! In fact, it was the essence of the "Reagan Revolution". Taking the focus off of federal schemes managed by self-satisfied wiz kids getting a government check, and return it to those who actually create the real wealth. For reasons I'll describe more fully below, this approach - amazingly, in hindsight - was ridiculed almost universally by elites in Washington and the national media.

The Reagan approach, as described by Mr. Ferrara, was in four parts. First, lower tax rates across-the-board, to encourage work and investment by thereby increasing after-tax returns. Second, deregulate industry to remove unnecessary costs, again increasing returns on investment. Third, control/limit federal spending, and fourth, with the help of Mr. Volker, institute a tight, anti-inflationary monetary policy. These last two elements served to create confidence that inflation might be controlled, and thus future profits earned in non-inflated dollars.

The results were spectacularly successful. Inflation was cut to 6.2% in 1982, then to 3.2% in 1983. The infamous "misery index" (a term coined by President Reagan to describe the combined inflation and unemployment rates), dropped from 22 percent in 1980, to 7.7% by the end of 1986 (it's probably running in the 11-12% range currently).

Why was this seemingly common-sense approach to recovery so revolutionary, and so reviled? Chief Justice John Marshall famously remarked that "the power to tax is the power to destroy". With apologies, I'd like to alter that famous formulation just a little. "The power to tax is the power to control", as I see it, and there's nothing political elites and aspirants like more than the thrill of control.

(Part 2 will address the rise of Keynes, and how his theory of aggregate demand ostensibly gave license to the political class to manipulate the economy through Soviet-style central planning. What could be more fun than to spend other people's money, in the cause of (social) justice?)
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The Emperor Has No Clothes

That was Cramer's opening line today, regarding the Obama administration, and the so-called "stimulus". He says sell any rally tomorrow. Again, I find his negative outlook vis-a-vis the administration's economic policy notable, given his self-identified status as Democrat, and previous and palpable efforts to cheerlead. This guy is about money, period, and if something isn't going to make him money, he's not going to pretend for long. Hence his swift abandonment of the Obamessiah, based on the utter uselessness of the "stimulus". The market is under no illusions about the "cluelessness" (Cramer's word) of Washington's current ruling elite.

Perhaps this is a time to repeat my theory about the election of 2006, as it relates to the markets, and the economy. As the election of 1994 signalled a multi-year resurgence in the markets and economy, the election of 2006 signalled the reverse. Why? With respect to 2006, it was the signal that killed any hope that sanity would prevail in Washington. That is, notwithstanding the foibles and weaknesses of Congress while under Republican control, market participants could be reasonably certain that nothing crazy was likely. With the Dem's takeover, all hope was lost.

This is particularly important with respect to the soon-to-lapse "Bush tax cuts". My theory was that the housing boom, to the extent it was precipitated by Fed policy, constituted a deferral of the tech-bust, 9/11 secular downturn. In that light, there had to be a potential for some other factor to spark the economy once the housing boom ran its course. It might have been, apart from the extension of the 2003 tax cuts, further tax cuts (particularly the corporate tax rate), more substantial tax reform (flat tax?), or non-tax policy improvements, such as an enlightened energy policy. Once the 2006 returns were in, any clear-headed observer knew none of the above was possible. So the economy was left to fall flat.

As I've remarked before, we are going to have a recovery, of sorts, in spite (NOT because) of the "stimulus" legislation. This is the natural order of things - GDP posted blowout quarters even during the Carter administration. But the best-case prognosis for the economy is growth in fits and starts - no long boom. That's what's got Cramer so bearish. Remember, he wanted to believe, but faced with the facts of current economic policy, he just can't put his money on growth. That's what I like about people who actually have (major) skin in the game.
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The "Little Guy"

For those still deluded enough to believe that the Dems are "looking out for the little guy", I submit as Exhibit "A" contra, the infamous Kelo v. City of New London, 545 U.S. 469 (2005). This ought to have been an eye-opener, but alas it's not a perfect world, and you better watch out for those dastardly Republicans who will (a) starve your kids; (b) kill your grandma; and (c) sick the Monopoly man on you.

For those interested in a little 5th Amendment glimpse into our brave new road to serfdom, there's now a book out detailing the trials of one Susette Kelo, entitled "Little Pink House", reviewed in yesterday's WSJ. For those unfamiliar with the tale, it is the saga of Ms. Kelo, a forty year-old, divorced EMT; the house she bought in 1997 in a blue-collar Connecticut neighborhood; a giant corporation (PFE ticker symbol), a grasping city council, and five liberal Supreme Court justices.

It seems that when Pfizer came a courtin' the New London Development Corporation (NLDC), whispering sweet nothings in its ear about a new plant in an older neighborhood adjacent to a recently closed naval facility, the NLDC swooned. But what to do? You can't make people abandon their homes just because you've cooked up a lovely development scheme that promises to fill the city coffers. Or can you?

The Fifth Amendment reads in pertinent part: "...nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation." Thus, until Kelo, the Fifth Amendment takings clause had been understood, not unreasonably, to mean that a taking of private property may occur if (a) just compensation is paid; and (b) the taking was for use by the public. Such "uses" included all those things you would imagine - parks, highways, bridges, and the like.

Since Kelo, however, and thanks the five most "liberal" (Orwell alert) Supreme Court justices then sitting, "public use" now means "public benefit". What's a public benefit? Whatever City Hall says it is. As the dissenting opinions pointed out, this interpretation obliterated "for public use" from the text. It also made clear, for any who might care to see, that the liberal establishment is only too happy to crawl into bed with the biggest businesses and crush "the little guy" like a little bug if there's a fat commission involved.

The happy ending isn't, sadly, that Ms. Kelo kept her house. But neither was it demolished, as were the other holdout homes in her area. Ms. Kelo's was dismantled and re-assembled in another part of town, complete with commemorative plaque - can you just imagine the very same local political thugs who ran her out preening for the photo-op? No, the happy ending is that since Kelo, 43 states have enacted legislation clarifying that "public use" means "for use by the public". Who do you think opposed this legislation? On the other hand, when a similar law came up for vote in Congress, it was defeated. Who do you think defeated it? Getting the idea? Here's your news flash: your grandfather's Democrat party is dead and buried.
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The 54-46 Challenge

I've got to say, he's done it again. There's a reason why this guy, who I remember living in a tract house among a lot of state workers, is (and has been for a long time) in line to buy an NFL franchise. Rush's "bipartisan" stimulus proposal wonderfully highlights the fascistic tendencies of the Obamessiah and the single-brain-cell organisms that slobber over him in the MSM. Of course it is nothing new to note that "bipartisan" means Republicans back down and agree to go along with what the media and beltway libs want. Neither is it news that the government-media complex would love to silence, and seeks to marginalize, new media (shout out to Dan Rather!). So the Obamalama is just another thuggish Chicago pol in this tired old mold - where's the story?

What is new, and brilliant, is Rush's approach to Obama-speak. Don't just "just say no" to national socialism; and don't just say "me too (but less)". Call out the new- speak, and present an alternative (that highlights the farcical nature of Obamanomics). Finally, Reagan-style, explain how it will work, why it will work, and issue a challenge.

Thus the 54-46 Challenge, so-named for the approximate percentage of the vote going to Obama and McCain, respectively (rounding up slightly for Obama). Let the Dems take control of 54% of a stimulus package, and the Republicans 46%. Now there's a stimulus we can really call bipartisan! Astutely, Rush points out that among financial commentators, the supply-siders aren't violently opposed to Keynesian stimulus of some level; and the administration isn't completely opposed to tax cuts. Moreover, opinion polls show the public lacks confidence in the efficacy of government spending, yet has a degree of willingness to try a mix of demand and supply-side solutions.

So let's try a 54-46 solution. The administration, and the congressional majority, can figure out what they'd like to do with 54% of the money, and the congressional minority can do what it wants with 46%. Let us put 46% toward cap gains and corporate rate cuts, payroll tax holidays, housing, and suchlike. They can do what they want with their 56%, and all we'll do is say it won't work and I told you so.

C'mon Mr. President. Whining about Rush Limbaugh isn't very original, much less "post-partisan". Neither is lecturing the minority about who won the election and who didn't. By contrast, the 54-46 Challenge may be the most "post-partisan" idea I've ever heard. Want to be a real hero? Take Rush's advice and float it as a trial balloon, then watch what happens in the markets. You won't need to watch another opinion poll, and Rush has said he'll let you take all the credit.
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Robert Reich has Nothing Against White Male Construction Workers

Robert Reich, former Clinton administration Labor Secretary, who, as indicated in the Wikipedia post bearing his name "has dedicated his career to making worthless people more worthless", has done the country a tremendous favor. He has given us a most eye-opening glimpse into the true meaning of "economic stimulus" in Obamessiah speak. In so doing, he has hopefully provided the noose with which the current administration will be hanged in 2010 and 2012.

I am speaking, of course, of his recent "testimony" - presumably in his capacity as Obama economic advisor - before some banana-republic congressional conference chaired by congressman Charlie("let's reinstitute the draft so we can get more white kids killed")Rangel. This spectacle first came to my attention via Rush, and also was a hot topic on Tom Sullivan's show yesterday. Now, it can be found on youtube at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=opxuUj6vFa4

The lowlights are as follows. In opining on the objectives of the forthcoming "stimulus" legislation, Mr. (not, to my knowledge "Doctor", as suggested by the illiterate Rangel) Reich said that the money should be allocated with the greatest speed possible (good!), for "high social return" (?). Amplifying on this point, he infamously proclaimed that "the money should not go to highly-skilled professionals, or to white male construction workers." Instead, (presumably the preponderance of) stimulus money should be allocated to "the long-term unemployed... people who are not necessarily white construction workers or high-skilled professionals." For those still struggling to discern the direction in which the Obamalama wishes to take the country - whether his nods in the direction of moderation are mere head-fakes - the Reich Manifesto ought to provide a clue.

If I sound like I take offense at the notion of hundreds of billions of debt-financed federal expenditures being allocated on the basis of criteria other than the twin, and mutually-reinforcing, goals of economic recovery and taxpayer value, then I have succeeded in communicated my displeasure. And, with apologies to Seinfeld, I wish to make it crystal clear that I am not offended as a (mostly) white male; I am offended as an American and a taxpayer! Though offensive on many levels, the Reich Manifesto is offensive mostly because it reveals, with utmost and brazen clarity, that this claque of super-annuated student council candidates, that the below-the-median crowd has put into power, cares not a whit about economic recovery or getting the unemployment rate back to pre-recession levels. If they did, they would take the greatest pains to ensure that deficit-financed stimulus be allocated in ways that maximize (taxpayer) return. Like it or not, that goal would require putting the money in the hands of people who have the skills to create value. And, like it or not, in many cases, this would mean "white male construction workers".

For those of us who fancy themselves New Deal historians, the Reich video is no surprise. As is becoming increasingly clear via recent scholarship, the New Deal was an abject failure as an economic enterprise. It was, however, a masterful exercise in big-government propaganda. I'm reminded again of the famous encounter FDR had with his Treasury Secretary, Henry Morgenthau, in the latter's office. Morgenthau had a sign on his desk, intended to guide his subordinates, which read "does it contribute to the recovery?" When he saw this, FDR sniffed "this isn't about recovery; this is politics" - at a cost in human misery measurable on the cataclysmic scale. And so it is with the new administration. A President with no executive experience, who's goals in life appear to have been to (a) spend other people's money, and (b)"remake America", has been handed the opportunity of a lifetime. As his Chief of Staff, Rahm Emmanuel, put it: "a crisis is a terrible thing to waste".

The public expects Washington to spend money, and Washington will be happy to oblige. The public thinks it's buying infrastructure, but it's only half right. It's going to buy the infrastructure of a political machine, whether it wants to or not, and at a very dear price. Further, as Congressman Rangel candidly explained in the video, the administration needn't worry about what the middle class might think of this mad (social) scientist experimentation - they'll be way to preoccupied with taking care of themselves to raise a fuss. Where does this leave us? A massive exercise in social engineering, doomed to fail as a massive subsidy to bad behavior, bad culture, bad thinking, and bad ideas, resulting finally in, as Holman Jenkins described it in the title of his recent WSJ piece, "A Lost Decade". Ten years from now, they'll still be saying it's Bush's fault, but I'm telling you now: by then, it won't be.
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Investment Thought of the Day

Last week on his show, Jim Cramer unveiled his "All-Pro Safety" picks, which focus on yield. As of the airing, these stocks had a collective dividend yield of 7.1%, and, of course, were selected on the premise that the dividends were safe. Here's the list:
BMY
GXP
KMP
NAT
VZ

Notably absent from this list is MO - perhaps Cramer has an aversion to tobacco, but I wasn't aware of that. A few things to thing about regarding this list. First, let's hope the incoming administration isn't stupid enough to raise the tax on dividends. Second, if inflation picks up substantially, the real value of that dividend is going to get whacked hard, though you would hope that this would be offset by increasing share prices (yields are high because prices are low, inflation should be an indicator, at least at first, of an economy picking up steam).

Finally, be aware that I am not a registered investment advisor, am not qualified to give investment advice, and do not own a crystal ball. I am just conveying Cramer's thoughts, which I found interesting. After all, if you want to flee to safety, you can opt for a 3-month at .01%, or a 7.1% yield that probably isn't extremely less safe.
 
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Today's History Lesson

"With the end of the Terror, Talleyrand had been rehabilitated and returned to France. Hamilton knew that he was avaricious and regarded public office as a means of obtaining money. The cynical Frenchman once told a mutual friend that 'he found it very strange that a man of his [Hamilton's] quality, blessed with such outstanding gifts, should resign a ministry in order to return to the practice of law and give as his reason that as a minister he did not earn enough to bring up his eight children.' After Hamilton returned to New York, Talleyrand was en route to a dinner party one night when he glimpsed Hamilton toiling by candlelight in his law office. 'I have seen a man who made the fortune of a nation laboring all night to support his family,' he said, shocked. After becoming French foreign minister in July 1797, he rejoiced at the plunder placed at his fingertips. 'I'll hold the job,' he confided to a friend. 'I have to make an immense fortune out of it, a really immense fortune.' He proceeded to scoop up an estimated thirteen to fourteen million francs during his first two years as foreign minister alone."
Ron Chernow, "Alexander Hamilton", pp.548-49.

Obviously, I am in the process of reading Mr. Chernow's outstanding biography of the outstanding personage on the $10 bill (and making darn little progress!). The above (timely!) quote is from a passage describing an incident during the John Adams administration, in which the French foreign minister gave our new nation great insult by his refusal to negotiate in good faith relative to French privateering predation upon American shipping. Charles Maurice de Talleyrand-Perigord, of course, later becoming infamous for his role in the Louisiana Purchase ("You have made a noble bargain for yourselves and I suppose you will make the most of it.").

America's "Quasi-War" with France, though mostly forgotten, is instructive as a reminder of the intense partisan passions surrounding the question of which powerful wagon our fledgling nation should hitch itself to: France (the Republicans led by Jefferson), or Great Britain (the Federalists, best exemplified by Hamilton). In any case, both euro powers viewed our new nation as a rich cow to be freely milked, hence Talleyrand's grotesquely insulting terms for peace.

This period is also instructive in that it shows how different the realities of the present are from those of the past. Specifically, it is amazing how greatly the politics of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were dominated by a near-acceptance that our affairs would either be peacefully subsumed, or enveloped through conquest, by either Great Britain or France (see, e.g., 1812, War Of). Though many at the time did foresee America becoming the power it has, even the most optimistic did not see this as inevitable or a foregone conclusion.
 
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RIP Annabelle Kaluna'alanui Fyfe

Annabelle Kaluna'alanui Fyfe was my Grandma. She was one of a kind. Personally, I think she was the greatest human being ever. I also think I'm not alone thinking that. Here she is in the late-1930s. Born November 22, 1917, Kealakekua, Hawaii (Big Island); died December 7, 2008, San Leandro, California. This armchair historian won't have any trouble remembering those dates.

Nor will I have any trouble remembering her in her place as one of the Greatest Generation. The wives/moms who held it together at home for four years while the dads (Grandpa) were in harm's way won the War as much as any industrialist, general, or rocket genius. How few of us alive today could imagine what that must have taken. We can never honor their memory too much.

It is as regrettable as it is inevitable that so few of them are left to help steady us as we meet today's comparatively meager challenges. Certainly she helped me face my meager challenges. Theirs was a quality of character, which seems so rare and so needed today, forged, as David Maraniss illustrated through his portrait of their contemporary Vince Lombardi, "When Pride Still Mattered". I know that Grandma exemplified this.


Here she is when I graduated from college back in '82, with Grandpa to our right. That I might have made her happy ranks among my proudest moments.

I'm not going to describe in detail just how much she means to me. I'll probably never tell anyone. Karen has an idea. Suffice it to say that my quest for a purpose in life has ended: it is to see her again when my time comes, where she is now. Grandma, Jesus, and Ronald Reagan.

Her three children, Sylvia ("mom"), Robert ("Chuggie"), and Carole can speak in more detail about her life, and I will cheerfully defer to them on that score. I could not, however, let this occasion go by without taking this small step to see that any concerned know where I stand on the subject of my Grandma.

I'm going to miss her terribly. Of course, I'm comforted knowing where she is now. Still, I'm going to miss all the links she personified: to the old Hawaii, to the Greatest Generation, to the best moments of my childhood, and so on.

I understand that Grandma's journey from the cares of this world to her Eternal Reward in the Kingdom of the Almighty was peaceful and without undue discomfort. My prayers were answered. Hers was a long life, well-lived, and she was adored by many. How lucky I am to be able to say she's my Grandma.
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Quote of the Day

"With all thy getting get understanding."
Malcolm S. Forbes
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More Scary Charts

Yesterday Carter Worth, Chief Technical Analyst at Oppenheimer, appeared on Fast Money to discuss recent stock market action. Notably, he presented a 30-year chart of the S&P a la Louise Yamada. Although not nearly as negative, he acknowledged the obvious point that the S&P is bouncing along very long-term support, and that failure to hold here opens the possibility of substantial further declines.

Mr. Worth noted that the sideways trending is consistent with his training and experience. These issues (will support hold or not) don't tend to resolve themselves in short order. He expects much more trading within recent ranges before this matter resolves itself.
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Governors Against State Bailouts

Last week Governors Rick Perry (Texas) and Mark Sanford (South Carolina) offered some very interesting thoughts in a WSJ piece they authored entitled "Governors Against State Bailouts". Helpfully, the governors pointed out that "every penny would have to be borrowed" to prop up ailing state governments. They caution that in the usual rush to "do something" (in this case, regarding the various fiscal crises among state governments), it would be wise to first "do no (more) harm to our country's finances."

This is a critical point: by diverting scarce resources (by borrowing) from economic best uses, and directing them to governmental entities whose governing models are clearly failures, the feds will likely accomplish little other than perpetuating fiscal doldrums, irresponsibility, and slow growth.

As an alternative, Governors Perry and Sanford suggest a model they have in fact successfully utilized - "improving soil conditions for business by cutting red tape, reforming our legal system and our worker's compensation system." Andrew Jackson called this approach "reform, retrenchment, and economy". I would call it a nod to Hauser's Law - supply-side reforms geared toward raising growth rates, and not tax rates, restores fiscal health, and beget a virtuous cycle of continuing growth.
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